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Congressman from El Paso challenging Ted Cruz for Senate in 2018. Powered by people, not PACs. Join us to take back Texas and the Senate: betofortexas.com

On Monday of this week, I was in McAllen, a beautiful community comprised of some incredibly courageous, strong, kind hearted people in the Rio Grande Valley, connected by the Rio Grande River to Reynosa, Mexico, forming one of these extraordinary binational communities that distinguish our connection with Mexico and the rest of the world.

I was able to visit the Border Patrol station, which is the busiest Border Patrol station in the country. I happened to be there during the busiest shift during that day in that busy station, and I was able to spend some time with the women and men of the Border Patrol, who have one of the toughest jobs that I can imagine: keeping our country safe, protecting our communities and the families within our communities, and meeting those who are at their most desperate, most vulnerable moment in their lives, people who have fled terror and violence, death and deprivation in their countries to come to ours, to seek asylum, to seek safety, to seek refuge.

In that Border Patrol station I had the ability to meet a family, a young mother and her young child, who had fled Honduras and had traveled more than 2,000 miles to come to this country. And because they presented themselves to Border Patrol agents, didn’t try to flee from them, went to those Border Patrol agents seeking asylum in between the ports of entry and didn’t do it at the international bridge, didn’t do it at the port of entry, that young mother and her child were arrested. They were being held in that cell comprised of cinder blocks, sitting on a hard concrete bench with a number of other mothers and young children, had just been arrested within the last 24 hours and were about to go to the Border Patrol Processing Center.

Through tears, that young mother was able to tell me about her journey. When I asked her why she didn’t choose to cross at the port of entry, where she could have lawfully petitioned for asylum, she said: ‘‘I was scared.’’ She didn’t know where to cross. And, frankly, those crossing areas in Reynosa on the Mexican side of the U.S.-Mexico border are controlled by the cartels. The cartels determined where she and her 7-year-old daughter were going to cross.

Not lost on me was the fact that her daughter was gripping her mother’s hand for dear life, as I imagine she had been for the last 3 weeks when they made that 2,000-mile journey, where, if they were lucky, they made it atop, not inside of, a train, known as La Bestia, or the Beast, and where they were fortunate enough to survive that journey and come to our front door of the United States at the Texas-Mexico border, and where she was arrested and, unbeknownst to her and to that little girl who was clutching her hand, they would, within hours, be separated and might not know when they would be joined again, if ever. The women and men who travel with those young children in between our ports of entry are arrested, detained, imprisoned, jailed in those Border Patrol stations, where they then go to the next place that I went to in McAllen, which was the Border Patrol processing center.

This was a gigantic warehouse, where I saw the children who had just been separated from their moms and dads behind cyclone fencing, sleeping on polished concrete floors with a mattress 5 or 6 inches thick directly on the ground, Mylar blankets keeping them warm, again, with Border Patrol agents who were as humane and professional as possible, given the circumstances and the conditions. Men separated in other holding pods, women behind cyclone fences in other holding pods. There was another cyclone-fenced area open for public view where you went to the bathroom and where we had to be able to see your head or your feet.

After that, I went to the international bridge at Reynosa and, on the Mexican side, was able to talk to three different people who were seeking asylum. Two of them had made the trip from Guatemala. When they got to Reynosa, they were kidnapped by cartels, held for 12 days without clothes, without access to the outside world, with the exception of being able to make calls to family members who could cough up the $7,500 that would purchase their freedom, allow them to leave captivity and make their way to the international bridge, literally 10 feet away from the international line and the United States of America, where, if they could step foot on our soil, they would be able to lawfully petition for asylum.

But standing there were four officers of Customs and Border Protection who would not let them pass, who told them we do not have capacity within our country and, therefore, they could not lawfully petition for asylum, therefore, perversely providing the incentive for them to try to cross in between the ports of entry illegally, where they will be arrested, criminally prosecuted, and sent back to countries from which they are fleeing certain death.

After that, I went to a detention center run by a private prison corporation, where I met a man who had left his home country with his 12-year-old daughter, whom he has not seen for the last 5 days. And in between 4-inch thick Plexiglass, behind which I could barely hear what he was saying, he told me about the horrific journey that he had endured. He took off his shirt and showed me the bullet wounds that he had suffered that had caused him to make the desperate decision to leave his family, his home country, his language, whatever he knew in life, and take that 12-year-old girl and try to bring her to safety. Again, just as with that mother, he was arrested. He now was in criminal proceedings.

He would then be moved to Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Enforcement Removal Operations, ERO facility, where he would be sent back to his country of origin; and he had no clue where that 12-year-old girl that he had risked everything for was at that moment.

Who are we to be doing this right now?

I know that every single one of us, to a person, if we were standing here in this Chamber in 1939 when this country was sending back the St. Louis, which had set sail on May 13, 1939, from Hamburg, Germany, with more than 900 German Jewish refugees, including children, that all of us, to a person, would like to say, if I were here, I would have made the case to accept the St. Louis and those 900 passengers and make sure that they could find refuge and asylum in this country. Instead, this country chose not to, and we sent that ship back to Europe, where more than 250 of those 900 passengers would be slaughtered in the Holocaust.

This is our opportunity to do the right thing.

We will be judged by our conscience, by our children, and by history. This is our moment of truth. So I call upon ourselves, our country, to do the right thing at the moment that we still have the chance to do the right thing. This coming week, legislation will be introduced to end the practice of family separation. As an original cosponsor of this bill, I am calling on my colleagues to join the decision, the debate, and to pass this overwhelmingly so that we can send it to the Senate and, ultimately, to the President’s desk for his signature and do the right thing while we still have the chance to do that.

What I Witnessed On My Visit to theBorder a computer some tea Which dog WhichEnglish newspaper Whatsubjects How long How often How much How old How many a preposition did you give does she come were waiting were they waiting
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Need a little more help with your English? Find a course near you .

jcsj1172 replied on Spain Permalink

Ok, I had two faults, because in both I have exchange the ponouns by the verb.

I wil try to do more excercises like this.

Thank You.

Marua replied on Germany Permalink

Hello. I need a little help. Considering the given questions "Do you like playing sports? Why (not)?", are the next answers appropriate in writing? 1. Yes, I do. I like playing sports because they are... 2. Yes, I like playing sports because... 3. Yes, I like playing sports. Outdoors activities are my favourite.... Many thanks.

Kirk replied on Spain OxitalySANDRA Classic heels mare JGz3pyYrec

Hi Marua,

Yes, all of your answers are correct and appropriate. Good work!

All the best, Kirk The LearnEnglish Team

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Hello Is it right if we use :Yes ,it's in short answer or only(Yes, it is) ?

Peter M replied on Poland YOURTURNSlipons allblack OhZFIML

Hello Hamdy Ali,

Yes.

Peter

The LearnEnglish Team

dipakrgandhi replied on India Peter Kaiser Wide FitWIDE FIT WETA Classic heels topas YkMdCf6D

" Do you have any questions you would like answered? " :

Can I make the above as " Do you have any questions you would like been answered? "

If yes , what would be the difference between the two ?

Regards

Kirk replied on Spain Pier OneEspadrilles cognac KNGLeSFL3

Hello dipakrgandhi,

No, I'm afraid that is not correct. It might be helpful to think that the full form of the first version of the sentence is 'Do you have any questions (that) you would like (to be) answered?' Note that there is a passive infinitive there ('to be answered') -- an infinitive is needed in this case, which is why your suggestion is not grammatical.

I hope that helps you understand it.

All the best, Kirk The LearnEnglish Team

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Basic Blue 99 (C059)

Link to opinion U. Bernauer, L. Bodin, L. Celleno, Q. Chaudhry, P. Coenraads (Chairperson), M. Dusinska, J. Ezendam, C.L. Galli, B. Granum, E. Panteri (Rapporteur), V. Rogiers, C. Rousselle, M. Stępnik, T. Vanhaecke, S. Wijnhoven J. Duus-Johansen [email protected] European Commission SCCS/1585/17 7 March 2017

Conclusion of the opinion:

The SCCS cannot conclude on the safety of Basic Blue 99 (C059) because it is composed of several substances and isomeric forms, with a large variability between the composition of different batches. Also, the toxicological data provided in the previous submission do not relate to the material specifications provided for the current assessment. The safety assessment of Basic Blue 99 will require a clear well-defined set of specifications for the composition of the material intended to be used in cosmetic products as well as supporting toxicological data relating to a representative composition.

/

Keywords:

SCCS, scientific opinion, hair dye, Basic Blue 99 (C059), Regulation 1223/2009, 30 CAS: 68123-13-7, EC: 268-544-3

Opinion to be cited as:

Opinion to be cited as: SCCS (Scientific Committee on Consumer Safety), Opinion on Basic 34 Blue 99 (C059), 7 March 2017, SCCS/1585/17.

Print

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Abstract

SCCS/1573/16 - 16 March 2016 - Final version of 7 March 2017

Opinion on Tetrabromophenol Blue, 4,4’-(4,5,6,7-tetrabromo-1,1-dioxido-3H-2,1-benzoxathiol-3-yliden)bis-2,6-dibromophenol (C183)

Link to opinion Q. Chaudhry, P. Coenraads, M. Dusinska, W. Lilienblum, E. Nielsen, T. Platzek, C. Rousselle, J. van Benthem A. Bernard, L. Bodin, J. Duus-Johansen, J. Ezendam, A. Giménez-Arnau, E. Mirkova, E. Panteri, T. Vanhaecke, A. Varvaresou [email protected] European Commission SCCS/1573/16 16 March 2016

Conclusion of the opinion:

The margin of safety calculated in this Opinion relates to the previously supplied batch quality of the material. However, because of the large discrepancies noted between the specifications provided for the representative market quality batch intended for commercial use and that used in toxicological testing, SCCS cannot conclude on the safety of Tetrabromophenol Blue (C183).

The test material is not composed of a single substance, but of different homologues. Analysis of different batches has shown a large variation in the homologue mixture composition of the test material intended for commercial use. The safety assessment of Tetrabromophenol Blue (C183) will require a clear well-defined set of specifications for the composition of the substance intended for use in cosmetic products. This will also require toxicological data on a representative batch, and/or a scientifically valid justification for showing toxicological similarities amongst the homologues.

/

Keywords:

SCCS, scientific opinion, Tetrabromophenol Blue, 4,4’-(4,5,6,7-tetrabromo-1,1-dioxido-3H-2,1-benzoxathiol-3-yliden)bis-2,6-dibromophenol (C183), Regulation 1223/2009, CAS 4430-25-5

Opinion to be cited as:

Opinion to be cited as: SCCS (Scientific Committee on Consumer Safety), Opinion on Tetrabromophenol Blue, 4,4’-(4,5,6,7-tetrabromo-1,1-dioxido-3H-2,1-benzoxathiol-3-yliden)bis-2,6-dibromophenol (C183), 16 March 2016, SCCS/1573/16.

Print

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Abstract

SCCS/1579/16 - 7 November 2016

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You are here: Home Page > Social Sciences > Politics > New LookSPOTTS High heels black Rusnif3f
> Necessary Evil

£ 18.99

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Published: 24 May 2018

304 Pages

235x156mm

ISBN: 9780190691127

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How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

Necessary Evil

How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

Finance is the evil we cannot live without. It governs almost every aspect of our lives and has the power to liberate as well as enslave. With the worldâs total financial assetsâvalued at a staggering $300 trillionâbeing four times larger than the combined output of all the worldâs economies, there is, apparently, plenty to go around. Yet, while proponents of finance-driven capitalism point to the trickle-down effect as its contribution to wealth redistribution, there are still nearly a billion people across the globe existing on less than $2 a day; 14 percent of Americans are living below the official poverty line; and disparities in wealth equality everywhere have reached unprecedented levels. Evidently a trickle is not enough. How can this be when so much wealth abounds, and when finance is supposedly chastened and reformed after its latest global crisis? How, especially, can it be in an age when human rights are more loudly proclaimed than ever before? Can the financial sector be made to shoulder more of the burden of spreading wealth, reducing poverty, and protecting rights? And if so, what role can human rights play in making it happen? In answering these questions, David Kinley draws on a vast array of material from bankers, economists, lawyers, and politicians, as well as human rights activists, philosophers, historians and anthropologists, alongside his own experiences working in the field. shows how finance can shed its conceit, return to its role as the economyâs servant not its master, and regain the public trust and credibility it has so spectacularly lost over the past decadeâall by helping human rights, not harming them.

Necessary Evil

How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

Taming the money monster The argument The research journey The finance/human rights relationship Stages in the relationship Hubris Finance as a utility Financial ownership Financial weapons of mass destruction Transformative powers Interdependency The poverty prism The public problem of private poverty Incentives and exceptionalism Anthropology on Wall Street Mission statement Ends and means Money as an instrument A common liberal heritage Human rights globalization Paying for rights Finding rights Human rights and the global economy Rights Politics Complicated confederacy Speaking different languages Missed opportunities Human needs and human rights Rights differences Rights impacts Chapter 3 Flirting with Risk The attraction From boring banking to fantasy finance The majesty and tragedy of leverage Human rights risks Rich world austerity Poor world impacts Faith Faith no more Greed Greed in finance When risk goes bad Risky lessons Conclusion Chapter 4 Private matters What money can buy The generation and investment of wealth Income Remittances and credit Rent-seeking Capital Capital and tyranny Capital gains Responsible capital The business of impact Equity and inequality Rewarding capital Consequences of unequal wealth Wealth and giving The givers The Receivers Mixed motivations How much is enough? The private/public connection Chapter 5 Public affairs Duty The voice of human rights Public funding of human rights Taxation, representation and rights The consequences of levying tax - a brief history Of ghosts and icebergs - the consequences of lost tax Tax as a force for good Aid and debt Development and human rights: more awkward than intimate Partnering with the private sector Getting the mix right Does 'new' aid work? Poorly Promising Possibly Conclusion Chapter 6 Cheating Consequences Deceit and subversion Illicit finance Tax evasion Tax free Tax sport Misappropriation Questions of impunity Regulatory capture Legal smoke screens Denial in finance Denial in human rights Wishful thinking Measuring progress Conclusion Chapter 7 Counseling and reconciliation What sort of counsel? The long shadow of financial exceptionalism Attitudes and culture Empathy Responsibilities Esteem Sleaze Capacity for change Regulatory intervention and risk Identification of risk Allocation of risk Risk and the rule of law Alternatives Reaching across the divide Conclusion

Necessary Evil

How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

, Chair in Human Rights Law, University of Sydney

David Kinley is Professor and Chair in Human Rights Law at the University of Sydney, and an Academic Expert member of Doughty Street Chambers in London. He is a former Fulbright Senior Scholar at American University Washington College of Law, and has taught at Oxford and George Washington Universities as well as the Sorbonne. He is a co-author of (winner of an American Society of International Law Best Book Award) and author of . Born in Ireland and somewhat educated in England, he now lives in Australia.

Necessary Evil

How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

"[A] provocatively argued book ... thoughtful reading for the humanitarian audience." - Kirkus

"David Kinley's latest call to arms represents indispensable reading for all those who care about and are working toward more sustainable finance, business, and global good governance." - Chip Pitts, Lecturer, Stanford and Oxford Universities, Former Chief Legal Officer, Nokia, Inc., and former Chair of Amnesty International USA

"Kinley reminds us that the financial system should work for the benefit of society and not the other way around." - Natalie Bugalski, Co-Founder, Inclusive Development International

"When we get to the point where well-known financial figures refer to the sector as a 'weapon of mass destruction,' a book that explores how we got to this depressing point - and more importantly - where we go from here to repair the 'necessary evil' is most welcome." - Margaret Wachenfeld, Senior Research Fellow, Institute for Human Rights and Business

"This important new book is a powerful and eloquent demonstration of how costly this apparent separation between finance and human rights is to society and of how much we can gain from incorporating human rights considerations into finance." - Danny Bradlow, Professor of Law, Washington College of Law, American University

"A profound human rights analysis of the financial system that offers a disturbing insight of how finance has often failed to advance the human condition. But Kinley's book goes further by offering much needed suggestions for policies that can actually help make finance work for human rights." - Nicola Jägers, Chair International Human Rights Law, Tilburg Law School, Commissioner at the National Human Rights Institute

"A challenging and engagingly written book. Kinley's analysis is impressively wide-ranging, encompassing private and public finance issues including investment, tax and aid; risk and financial regulation; and human rights-impacting shortcomings in global financial architecture. He sets out a convincing blueprint for rendering the global financial system supportive rather than subversive of human rights." - Aoife Nolan, Professor of International Human Rights Law, School of Law, University of Nottingham

Necessary Evil

How to Fix Finance by Saving Human Rights

Capitalism has been a key force behind human progress for centuries. But as the power of the finance sector has grown, public interests have been sidelined, and human rights concerns have been ignored. The following shortened excerpt from Necessary Evil takes a look at how the finance sector has repeatedly failed to advance the human condition, and why its level of political influence is dangerous for humanity.

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